The Life and Activism of Dolores Huerta

Origins and Influences

Dolores Fernandez Huerta was born in Dawson, New Mexico on April 10, 1930 to Juan and Alicia Fernandez (Telgen and Kemp 1993). Her parents divorced when Dolores was a toddler. At that time her mother left Dawson with her three children John, Dolores and Marshall. They eventually settled in Stockton, California, where Alicia had relatives. As a child, Dolores was talkative and curious. Her grandfather would comment on these aspects by calling her "siete lenguas"/seven tongues (Telgen and Kemp 1993). Good verbal skills are something that helped Dolores in her future work with the UFW.

Although Dolores' contact with her father was limited, his work history and activism influenced her a great deal. Juan was a coalminer and a migrant laborer (Telgen and Kemp1993). Upset by the poor working conditions, frequent accidents and low wages, Juan became interested in labor issues (Telgen and Kemp 1993). He became secretary-treasurer of the CIO local at the Terrero Camp of the American Metals Company in Las Vegas (Telgen and Kemp 1993). By using his predominately Hispanic local union as a base, he won election to the New Mexico State Legislature in 1938, representing San Miguel County. Throughout his year-long career in the legislature, he was an advocate for the worker(Telgen and Kemp 1993). Dolores had more contact with her father in her adult years when he moved to Stockton. There he lived in a labor camp, working the asparagus fields and holding other odd jobs. He eventually returned to school to pursue a college degree. Dolores has stated that she is very proud of her father's activism, political achievements and educational accomplishments (Telgen and Kemp 1993).

During WW II, the economic situation of the Huerta family improved a great deal (Telgen and Kemp 1993). Alicia ran a restaurant and then purchased a hotel with her second husband, James Richards. In the summers, the children would help run the businesses. With the income from their businesses, Alicia was able to provide a semblance of a middle class life for her children. For example, Alicia always insisted that Dolores be involved in activities such as violin, piano, and dance lessons. Dolores was also very active with the Girl Scouts from age eight to eighteen (Telgen and Kemp 1993).

Because her strong independent mother was a dominant figure in her life, Dolores gained an inner strength and independent resourcefulness (Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995). She grew up thinking men and women were equal. Dolores has stated that, at home, everyone shared household duties. She never had to cook or clean for her brothers, as commonly occurs in more traditional Mexican households (Griswold del Castillo 1995). These ideas of gender equality have helped her to have the strength to work with, and fight against, many patriarchal situations later in life.

Dolores always excelled in school. When she finished high school went on to community college, which was a rare and exceptional feat for a Chicana of this time period. At the age of 17, her pride in the Chicano culture was restored by a trip to Mexico City, which helped open her eyes to the wonderful aspects of Chicano culture. The contrast between Mexico and the U.S. also opened up a social awareness of the injustices in the world and her own lack of activism (Griswold del Castillo 1995). Because she was still young and sheltered, her early activism consisted of membership in more elite organizations such as Comite Honorifico Women's Club. Organizations like this were not as radical as other groups that Dolores would later be involved in. Dolores commented on these groups saying, "All these organizations didn't do anything but give dances and celebrate Fiestas Patrias"(Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995, p 65).

Dolores' career at Stockton College was interrupted by her marriage to her high school sweetheart, Ralph Head. However, this marriage was short lived. After her divorce, her mom helped take care of her two daughters, Celeste and Lori, so Dolores could return to school and earn an A.A. degree. She then worked as a teacher for a year, but soon became frustrated and unhappy with her job. In Murphy (1971) she stated, "I realized one day that as a teacher I couldn't do anything for the kids who came to school barefoot and hungry (27)." Dolores was looking for a more direct way to help the poor.

Activism

After World War II, there was a civic activism that swept throughout the nation (Telgen and Kemp 1993). During this time, organizations such as the Saul Alinsky Industrial Areas Foundation and the (CSO) Community Service Organization developed (Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995). The purpose of these organizations was to advocate for the poor by actively involving them in achieving reforms (Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995). At the age of 25 Dolores heard Fred Ross, a spokesman for the CSO, talk (Huerta 1975). Dolores was initially skeptical of Ross' talk of empowering the people. She had suspicions that Ross was a communist, so she went to the FBI and had him checked out. Dolores commented on this action in Huerta (1975), "See how middle-class I was. In fact, I was registered as a Republican (21)."

Dolores was eventually won over by Ross and joined the CSO in 1955. She also changed party affiliation, participated in the civic and educational programs of the CSO, registered people to vote, organized citizenship classes, and pressed local government for barrio improvements (Telgen and Kemp 1993). She saw her work with the CSO as an opportunity to serve the poor. Dolores has described her affinity to organizing: "I like to organize and help people. I like social change. I feel humble because I've been fortunate in my life. God has put me in the position and provided me the opportunities and skills to get things done."(Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995, 65)

In the late fifties, Dolores became drawn to the plight of the farm workers. She joined the Agricultural Workers Association (AWA). AWA is a Northern California interest group founded by a local priest, Father Thomas McCullough, and his parishioners (Telgen and Kemp 1993). McCullough is the same priest that prompted Cesar Chavez to become active. Two years after joining the CSO, Dolores met Cesar. The two worked together to try and bring more rural labor issues to the attention of the more urban-orientated CSO (Telgen and Kemp1993). Frustrated with the unresponsiveness of the CSO, first Cesar and then Huerta, left the group to devote more time to organizing field workers. This decision to leave eventually resulted in the founding of the Farm Workers Association, the precursor to United Farm Workers.

As a cofounder and first Vice President of the union, Dolores has always been highly visible and held decision-making positions. Through her various roles she has been influential in shaping and guiding the UFW. Dolores used her oratory abilities as the Union's first negotiator, founding the Negotiations Department and directing it in the early years (Rose 1990). Cesar tended to leave this tedious and frustrating work up to Dolores. When negotiating with growers, it would often take five meetings to get a couple of words changed on a contract (Rose 1990). Growers remember her for always being firm and never letting down her guard. She was always a tough negotiator.

Dolores has said her duties in the union are that of policy-making. Being in charge of political and legislative activity, she is very involved in public relations. During the 1965-70 Delano grape boycott, Dolores was the East Coast Boycott Coordinator. She also directed the largest grape distribution center in the U.S., which was in NYC (Telgen and Kemp 1993). She helped in the success of the boycott by mobilizing labor unions, political activists, community organizations, religious supporters, women's clubs, peace groups, students groups, and concerned consumers behind the union (Telgen and Kemp 1993). Finally, this powerful grassroots coalition forced Coachella and Delano grape producers to negotiate the historic Table Grape Contract of 1970 (Telgen and Kemp 1993). This contract raised worker wages forced growers to contribute 10 cents per hour to the Robert Kennedy Health and Welfare Fund, and another two cents per hour to UFW service centers (Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995). The contracts also had provisions for a hiring hall and controls over pesticide usage (Griswold del Castillo and Garcia 1995). This victory meant that 85% of Delano table grape growers were under contract with the Union. This was an astonishing feat that no agricultural workers' union had ever achieved.

Dolores' executive abilities continued to help the union when she returned to New York to administer lettuce, grape and Gallo wine campaigns from 1973-75. Her work led to the passage of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act. This was the first law to recognize the collective bargaining rights of farm workers (Rose 1990). In the late 70's, she became Director of the Citizenship Participation Department (CPD) of the union. This is the political part of the union that she administered until 1982 (Rose 1990). Throughout her career with the union she has served on boards and participated in the highest levels of policy-making. She has addressed many labor, student, religious, women's, political, antiwar, environmental, and consumer groups (Rose 1990). Using radio, television and print she has raised awareness of the farm workers struggle. She has also acted as a lobbyist, and made many appearances in front of Congress.

Dolores' union activism was very unique because she rebelled against the constraints placed upon women's full participation in the union (Rose 1990). This was not always easy for Dolores who came up against a lot of resistance. Family members, union colleagues, and the public have criticized Dolores for her non-traditional views towards family. She has frequently had to leave her children with union and non-union members for months at a time while away on business. This is her choice. As she has stated, "You have to make a decision, that if working with people, the people have the priority and the family must understand" (Rose 1990). She has commented though that most of the criticism came from middle class people. The workers felt more sympathetic to her situation since many of them often had to move their families around and take their children to the field. Many understood that being able to stay at home with their children is a luxury (Rose 1990).

Dolores Huerta is like many of the women involved in the UFW because she has made many sacrifices for the cause. However, her involvement in the UFW has been unique. She often has to spend much time away from her family. Dolores' early influences from family and community helped her become a woman committed to fighting against the injustices that farm workers have endured. Her intelligence, commitment, and strength have been very influential in the success of the farm workers' movement. Dolores has shown that one can achieve results through commitment and action. She will never give up fighting for social change. If anything, her story can prompt others to continue her legacy of fighting for an equal and just society.