Memorial on the Establishment of a Representative Assembly, 1874

submitted by: Soejima Taneomi (Saga), Gotō Shōjirō (Tokyo), Itagaki Taisuke (Tosa), Etō Shimpei (Saga), Yuri Kimimasa (Tsuruga), Komuro Nobuo (Kyoto), Okamoto Kensaburō (Tosa), and Furusawa Uro (Tosa)

As your subjects humbly reflect upon the quarter in which the governing power lies, we discover that it does not lie with the Throne above, nor with the people below, but with the officials alone. This is not to suggest that the officials are disrespectful of the Throne, yet the Throne is gradually losing its prestige. Nor do we suggest that the officials fail to protect people, yet the manifold decrees of the government appear in the morning only to be changed in the evening. The administration is conducted in an arbitrary manner, rewards and punishments are meted out with partiality, the channel of communication is blocked, and people have no way of stating their grievances. How can the country be governed peacefully in this manner? Even an infant knows that it is impossible. We fear, if the evil practices are not altered, they may bring about the ruin of the nation. Unable to restrain the promptings of our patriotic feelings, we have sought a way to rescue our nation from this danger, and have found that it consists in the promotion of public discussion of issues in the empire. The only means of promoting public discussion is to establish a representative assembly elected by the people. In this way a limit will be placed on the power of the officials, and those who are above and below will obtain peace and happiness. We therefore beg your indulgence in allowing us to express our opinion on this matter.

The people who have the duty to pay taxes to the government concurrently possess the rights to be informed of the affairs of the government and to approve or reject such governmental matters. This is the principle universally accepted in the world, which requires no further elaboration on our part. We therefore humbly request that the officials do not resist this great truth. Those who now oppose the establishment of a popularly­elected representative assembly assert: "Our people lack knowledge and intelligence and have not yet reached the plateau of enlightenment. It is too early yet to have a popularly­elected representative assembly. "If what they say is true, then the way to give our people knowledge and intelligence and to lead them expeditiously into the plateau of enlightenment is to establish a popularly­elected representative assembly. This is so because to give our people knowledge and intelligence and to lead them into the plateau of enlightenment, they must in the first place be made aware of the truths commonly accepted in the world and learn how to protect their rights. They must respect and value themselves, and be inspired by the spirit of sharing with the state its joys and tribulations. Such an end can only be accomplished by giving them a voice in the affairs of the state . . . The worst argument put forth by those who are opposed to the immediate establishment of a representative assembly is that such an assembly could be convened simply by gathering all the fools in the country. How arrogant is this argument! How contemptible are they toward the people! No doubt there are among officials men who surpass others in intelligence and skills, but how can they be certain if the society does not contain men who surpass them in learning and knowledge? Therefore, the people of our country cannot be treated with such contempt. If the officials continue to think that the people deserve such contempt, one must not forget that they themselves are part of the people. In such a case we must assume that the officials are equally lacking in learning and knowledge. Between the arbitrary decisions of a few officials and the opinion of the people arrived at through public discussion, where can one find wisdom or stupidity? . . .

It is our understanding that under the pretense of being cautious, the present officials perpetuate the old evil customs and look upon those who advocate reforms as "rash progressives." They deny reforms with the two words "too early." We now wish to discuss this matter.

First of all, we do not comprehend the phrase "rash progressives." If by rash progression is meant initiation of measures carelessly, that fear can be alleviated by the careful deliberation of a popularly elected representative assembly. If by rash progression is meant the lack of harmony between different ministries, loss of perspectives with regard to priorities, and inability to coordinate works of different institutions, then again the establishment of a popularly­elected representative assembly will be desirable. This is so because the above­cited difficulties are caused by the want of a fixed law in this country, and by the capricious actions of the officials which can only be eliminated by a popularly­elected representative assembly. Progress is the most beautiful thing in the world, and everything must move forward. Therefore the officials cannot condemn the word "progress." It follows that their condemnation must be intended for the word "rash," but the word "rash" has no place in our conception of a popularly­elected representative assembly . . .

Another argument advanced by the officials is that the parliaments now existing in Europe and America were not formed in a day, but were brought to their present status by gradual progress, [therefore they cannot be transplanted to Japan overnight]. However, gradual progress has not been the case with parliaments only. All branches of knowledge, technology and machines are subject to the same gradual development. It took the foreigners to bring them to the present status after several hundred years, because no examples existed previously and those had to be discovered through experience or through invention. If we can select examples from these foreign inventions, we can be assured of our success. Must we delay the using of steam engines until we have discovered the principles of steam ourselves, or must we wait to construct our telegraph lines until we have discovered the principles of electricity ourselves? If we work on that assumption, our government will be able to do nothing at all.

We have presented our case for the immediate establishment of a popularly elected representative assembly, and argued also that the degree of progress among the people of our country is sufficient for the establishment of such an assembly. We have done so, not to prevent the officials from speaking against its establishment. We are, however, actuated by the desire that through the establishment of such an assembly, public discussion in our country may be developed, the truths commonly accepted in the world and the rights of the people may be respected, and l'esprit de corps prevailing in our country may be enhanced. In this way, the high and the low shall come closer to one another; the sovereign and his people shall learn to love one another; our imperial country shall be sustained and further developed; and happiness and peace shall be assured to all. With supplication, we seek your adoption of our recommendations.

某等(それがしら)別紙奉建言(けんげんしたてまつり)候次第、平生ノ持論ニシテ、某等在官中屡(しばしば)及建言(けんげんにおよび)侯者モ有之(これあり)候処、欧米同盟各国へ大使御派出ノ上、実地ノ景況ヲモ御目撃ニ相成(あひなり)、其上(そのうへ)事宜斟酌施設可相成(あひなるべし)トノ御評議モ有之(これあり)。然ルニ最早(もはや)大使御帰朝以来既ニ数月ヲ閲(けみ)シ侯得共(さふらへども)、何等ノ御施設モ拝承不仕(つかまつらず)、昨今民心洶々(きようきよう)上下相疑(あひうたがひ)、動(ややも)スレバ土崩瓦解ノ兆無之(これなし)トモ難申(まうしがたき)勢ニ立至(たちいたり)侯義、畢竟天下輿論公議ノ壅塞(ようそく)スル故卜実以(じつもつて)残念ノ至(いたり)ニ奉存(ぞんじたてまつり)侯。此段宜敷御評議ヲ可被遂(とげらるべく)侯也。

　　　明治七年第一月十七日

　　　　高智県貫属士族　古沢　迂郎

　　　　高智県貫属士族　岡本健三郎

　　　　名東県貫属士族　小室　信夫

　　　　敦賀県貫属士族　由利　公正

　　　　佐賀県貫属士族　江藤　新平

　　　　高智県貫属士族　板垣　退助

　　　　東京府貫属士族　後藤象次郎

　　　　佐賀県貫属士族　副島　種臣

　　左　院　御中

臣等(しんら)伏シテ方今(はうこん)政権ノ帰スル所ヲ察スルニ、上帝室ニ在ラズ、下人民ニ在ラズ、而独有司ニ帰ス。夫有司、上帝室ヲ尊ブト曰(いは)ザルニハ非ズ、而帝室漸(やうや)ク其尊栄ヲ失フ、下人民ヲ保ツト曰(いは)ザルニハ非ラズ、而政令百端、朝出暮改、政(まつりごと)情実ニ成リ、賞罰愛憎ニ出ヅ、言路壅蔽(ようへい)、困苦告(つぐ)ルナシ。夫如是(それかくのごとく)ニシテ天下ノ治安ナラン事ヲ欲(ほつ)ス、三尺ノ童子モ猶其不可ナルヲ知ル。因仍(いんぢやう)改メズ、恐(おそら)クハ国家土崩ノ勢ヲ致サン。臣等愛国ノ情自(おのづか)ラ已(や)ム能(あた)ハズ、乃チ之ヲ振救スルノ道ヲ講求スルニ、唯天下ノ公議ヲ張ルニ在ル而已(のみ)。天下ノ公議ヲ張ルハ民撰議院ヲ立ルニ在ル而已。則(すなはち)有司ノ権(けん)限ル所アツテ、而上下其(その)安全幸福ヲ受(うく)ル者アラン。請(こふ)、遂ニ之ヲ陳ゼン。

夫人民、政府ニ対シテ租税ヲ払フノ義務アル者ハ、乃チ其政府ノ事ヲ与知可否スルノ権理ヲ有ス。是(これ)天下ノ通論ニシテ、復(また)喋々(てふてふ)臣等ノ之ヲ贅言(ぜいげん)スルヲ待(また)ザル者ナリ。故ニ臣等窃(ひそか)ニ願フ、有司亦是(またこの)大理ニ抗抵セザラン事ヲ。今民撰議院ヲ立(たつ)ルノ議ヲ拒(こば)ム者曰(いはく)、我民(わがたみ)不学無智、未(いま)ダ開明ノ域ニ進マズ、故〔ニ〕今日民撰議院ヲ立ル尚応(なほま)サニ早カル可シト。臣等以為(おもへ)ラク、若(もし)果シテ真ニ其謂フ所ノ如キ乎(か)。則(すなはち)之ヲシテ学且(かつ)智而急ニ開明ノ域ニ進マシムルノ道、即民撰議院ヲ立ルニ在リ。何トナレバ則(すなはち)今日我人民ヲシテ学且智ニ開明ノ域ニ進マシメントス、先(まづ)其(その)通義権理ヲ保護セシメ、之ヲシテ自尊自重、天下ト憂楽ヲ共ニスルノ気象ヲ起サシメズンバアル可カラズ。自尊自重、天下ト憂楽ヲ共ニスルノ気象ヲ起サシメントスルハ、之ヲシテ天下ノ事ニ与(あづか)ラシムルニ在リ。如是(かくのごとく)シテ、人民其(その)固陋(ころう)ニ安(やすん)ジ、不学無智自ラ甘ンズル者未ダ之(これ)有ラザルナリ。而シテ今其自(みづか)ラ学且智ニシテ自(みづから)其開明ノ域ニ入ルヲ待ツ。是殆ド百年河清ヲ待ツノ類(たぐひ)ナリ。甚シキハ則、今遽(には)カニ議院ヲ立ルハ是レ天下ノ愚ヲ集ムルニ過ザルノミト謂(いふ)ニ至ル。噫(ああ)何(なんぞ)自傲(じがう)ノ太甚(はなはだ)シク、而其人民ヲ視ルノ蔑如(べつじよ)タルヤ。有司中智巧固(もとよ)り人ニ過グル者アラン。然レ共安(いづく)ンゾ学問有識ノ人世復(よよまた)諸人ニ過グル者アラザルヲ知ランヤ。蓋(けだ)シ天下ノ人如是(かくのごとく)蔑視ス可ラザルナリ。若(も)シ将(は)タ蔑視ス可キ者トセバ、有司亦(また)其中ノ一人ナラズヤ。然ラバ則(すなはち)均シク是不学無識ナリ。僅々有司ノ専裁ト人民ノ輿論公議ヲ張ルト、其賢愚不肖果シテ如何(いかん)ゾヤ。臣等謂(おも)フ、有司ノ智亦(また)之ヲ維新以前ニ視ル、必ラズ其進(すすみ)シ者アラン。何トナレバ則(すなはち)、人間ノ智識ナル者ハ必ラズ其之(そのこれ)ヲ用ルニ従テ進ム者ナレバナリ。故ニ曰ク、民撰議院ヲ立ツ、是即チ人民ヲシテ学且智ニ、而シテ急ニ開明ノ域ニ進マシムルノ道也。

且夫(かつそれ)政府ノ職、其宜シク奉ジテ以テ目的トナス可キ者、人民ヲシテ進歩スルヲ得セシムルニ在り。故ニ草昧(さうまい)ノ世、野蛮ノ俗、其民(そのたみ)勇猛暴悍、而シテ従フ所ヲ知ラズ。是時ニ方(あた)ツテ、政府ノ職固(もとよ)リ之ヲシテ従フ所ヲ知ラシムルニ在リ。今我国既ニ草昧(さうまい)ニ非ラズ、而シテ我人民ノ従馴(じゆうじゆん)ナル者既ニ過甚(くわじん)トス。然ラバ則、今日我政府ノ宜シク以テ其目的トナス可キ者、則民撰議院ヲ立テ、我人民ヲシテ其敢為(かんゐ)ノ気ヲ起シ、天下ヲ分任スルノ義務ヲ弁知シ、天下ノ事ニ参与シ得セシムルニ在リ。則闔国(がふこく)ノ人皆同心ナリ。

夫政府ノ強キ者、何ヲ以テ之ヲ致スヤ。天下人民皆同心ナレバ也。臣等必ラズ遠ク旧事ヲ引イテ之ヲ証セズ、且(しばらく)昨十月政府ノ変革ニ就イテ之ヲ験ス。岌々乎(きふきふこ)其危哉(それあやふいかな)。我政府ノ孤立スルヤ何ゾヤ。昨十月政府ノ変革、天下人民ノ之ガ為メニ喜戚(きせき)セシ者幾(いくばく)カアル。啻(ただ)之ガ為メニ喜戚セザルノミナラズ、天下人民ノ茫トシテ之ヲ知ラザル者十ニシテ八九ニ居ル。唯兵隊ノ解散ニ驚ク而已(のみ)。今民撰議院ヲ立(たつ)ルハ則(すなはち)政府人民ノ間、情実融通、而相共(あひとも)ニ合(がつし)テ一体トナリ、国始メテ可以強(もつてつよかるべく)、政府始メテ可以強(もつてつよかるべ)キナリ。

臣等既ニ天下ノ大理ニ就イテ之ヲ究メ、我国今日ノ勢ニ就イテ之ヲ実ニシ、政府ノ職ニ就イテ之ヲ論ジ、及(および)昨十月政府ノ変革ニ就イテ之ヲ験ス。而臣等ノ自ラ臣等ノ説ヲ信ズルコト愈(いよいよ)篤ク、切ニ謂フ、今日天下ヲ維持振起スルノ道、唯民撰議院ヲ立(たて)而シテ天下ノ公議ヲ張ルニ在ル而已(のみ)。其方法等ノ議ノ如キ、臣等必ラズ之ヲ茲(ここ)ニ言ハズ。蓋(けだ)シ十数枚紙ノ能ク之ヲ尽ス者ニアラザレバ也。但臣等窃(ひそか)ニ聞ク、今日有司持重(じちよう)ノ説ニ藉(か)リ、事多ク因循ヲ務メ、世ノ改革ヲ言フ者ヲ目(もく)シテ軽々進歩トシ、而シテ之ヲ拒ムニ尚早キノ二字ヲ以テスト。臣等請(こふ)、亦弁之(またこれをべん)ゼン。

夫軽々進歩卜云フ者、固(もとよ)リ臣等ノ所不解(かいせざるところ)、若(もし)果シテ事(こと)倉猝(さうそつ)ニ出(いづ)ル者ヲ以テ軽々進歩トスル乎(や)、民撰議院ナル者ハ以テ事ヲ鄭重ニスル所ノ者ナリ。各省不和而変更ノ際、事本末緩急ノ序ヲ失シ、彼此(ひし)ノ施設相視ザル者ヲ以テ軽々進歩トスル乎(や)、是国ニ定律ナク、有司任意放行スレバナリ。是二者アラバ、則適(まさ)ニ其民撰議院ノ立(たた)ズンバアル可カラザルノ所以(ゆゑん)ヲ証スルヲ見ルノミ。夫進歩ナル者ハ天下ノ至美ナリ、事々物々進歩セズンバアル可カラズ。然ラバ則、有司必ラズ進歩ノ二字ヲ罪スル能ハズ。其罪スル所、必ラズ軽々ノ二字ニ止(とどま)ラン。軽々ノ二字、民撰議院卜曾(かつ)テ相関渉セザル也。

尚早キノ二字ノ民撰議院ヲ立ルニ於ケル、臣等啻(ただ)ニ之ヲ解セザル而已(のみ)ナラズ、臣等ノ見(けん)正ニ之卜相反ス。如何(いかん)トナレバ、今日民撰議院ヲ立ツモ、尚恐(おそら)クハ歳月ノ久シキヲ待チ而後(しかしてのち)始メテ其十分完備ヲ期スルニ至ラン。故ニ臣等一日モ唯其立ツコトノ晩(おそ)カランコトヲ懼(おそ)ル。故ニ曰(いふ)、臣等唯其反対ヲ見ル而已(のみ)。

有司ノ説又謂フ、欧米各国今日ノ議院ナル者ハ一朝一夕ニ設立セシノ議院ニ非ラズ、其進歩ノ漸(ぜん)ヲ以テ之ヲ致セシ者ノミ故、我今日俄(にはか)ニ之ヲ模スルヲ得ズト。夫レ進歩ノ漸ヲ以テ之ヲ致セシ者、豈(あに)独リ議院ノミナランヤ、凡百学問技術機械皆然ルナリ。然(しかる)ニ彼レ数百年ノ久シキヲ積ンデ之ヲ致セシ者ハ、蓋(けだ)シ前ニ成規ナク皆自ラ之ヲ経験発明セシナレバナリ。今我其成規ヲ択(えら)ンデ之ヲ取ラバ、何(なんぞ)企テ及ブ可カラザランヤ。若(もし)我自ラ蒸気ノ理ヲ発明スルヲ待チ然後(しかるのち)我始メテ蒸気機械ヲ用ルヲ得可ク、電気ノ理ヲ発明スルヲ待チ然後我始メテ電信ノ線ヲ架スルヲ得可キトスル乎(や)、政府ハ応(まさ)ニ手ヲ下スノ事ナカル可シ。

臣等既ニ已(すで)ニ今日我国民撰議院ヲ立テズンバアル可カラザルノ所以(ゆゑん)、及(および)今日我国人民進歩ノ度能(よ)ク斯(この)議院ヲ立ルニ堪(たふ)ルコトヲ弁論スル者ハ、則有司ノ之ヲ拒ム者ヲシテ口ニ藉(か)スル所ナカラシメントスルニハ非ラズ。斯議院ヲ立(たて)、天下ノ公論ヲ伸張シ、人民ノ通義権理ヲ立テ、天下ノ元気ヲ鼓舞シ、以テ上下親近シ、君臣相愛シ、我帝国ヲ維持振起シ、幸福安全ヲ保護センコトヲ欲(ほつ)シテ也。請(こふ)、幸(さいはひ)ニ之ヲ択ビ玉(たまは)ンコトヲ。