Now one of the most successful "legs" of the dialogue series, George replies to Moses in an ongoing debate that will be archived for future references.
  Thank you for your response. Some debates are useful, others are not. I
  am afraid this present debate is in the latter category.
  
  A. The External Solution
  
  I asked you for your own solution to the crises in Africa because people
  are dying. With all due respect, what you offered us was "an academic
  solution" of little practical utility. It is no different from what
  African leaders have been calling for: foreign intervention. It is the
  product of what I call the "externalist orthodoxy" that has held sway
  for much of the post-colonial period. This orthodoxy, together with its
  attendant "slavery/colonialism/imperialism paradigm," maintains that
  Africa's woes can be attributed to the unequal, exploitative and
  oppressive historical relationships between Africa and the West and
  adverse global forces. By implication, the solutions to Africa's woes
  must come from "external sources," "foreign intervention" or some
  restructuring of its relationship with the rest of the world.
  
  But like I said, we part company here. While we all agree that Africa
  has been harmed and exploited by foreign actors and external factors, I
  do not subscribe to "external solutions." True, somebody knocked us down
  but it our responsibility to get up. There are so many deficiencies with
  the "externalist orthodoxy." I pointed out a few in my previous posting
  but here are some more:
  
  1. You can't go to the same people, who you claim exploited you,
  oppressed you and are constantly meddling in your internal affairs, to
  become involved in resolving a problem that you have. It defies logic
  and makes no sense - none whatsoever.
  
  2. The call for "foreign intervention" flies in the face of recent
  experience. The international community has not shown much appetite for
  involvement in Africa's crises.  In 1993 when the going got tough in
  Somalia, they cut and ran. The following year, they fled Rwanda. They
  were nowhere to be seen when Burundi, Zaire, Sierra Leone, and Liberia
  blew up.  In the cases of Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast and Liberia, it was
  the former colonial masters who intervened: Britain, France and the U.S.
  Africa is the only continent that year after year unloads its problems
  onto the world stage. The international community is thoroughly fed up
  with Africa.  Since 1960, there have been more than 40 crises in Africa.
  Name me just 10 which the United Nations or the international community
  successfully resolved in the post-colonial era.
  
  3. In my view, the call for MORE foreign involvement is a dead-end
  street. In fact, it is really an alibi for INACTION. Do we seriously
  think we can get the U.S., France, Russia, Iran and China to agree on a
  united action on Sudan? Each country has its own interest in Sudan to
  protect. Witness how difficult it is to apply the term "genocide" to
  what is going on in the Sudan. If we call the slaughter of 800,000
  Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994 "genocide," how about the deaths of 3 million
  Sudanese, mostly black Africans in Sudan's civil wars? U.N.
  Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, is often frustrated trying to get member
  countries to contribute peace-keeping troops for an African mission.
  Moreover, if you, Moses, can't get Nigerian elites to put pressure on
  the Obasanjo government to convene a sovereign national conference, how
  do you expect to get FOREIGN governments to put pressure on Obasanjo?
  
  No, Moses, foreign intervention is not my bag. You will never hear me
  call for one for the resolution of any African crisis. If this is the
  road you want to take, I wish you all the best of luck.
  
  Instead of calling for foreign intervention in Ivory Coast and Sudan, I
  would rather call for an AFRICAN intervention. Are African governments
not part of the international community? In 1979, the late and former
  president Julius Nyerere sent his military across the border to remove
  Idi Amin of Uganda from power. Why hasn't Ghana sent its military over
  the border to  oust Laurent Gbagbo? Why haven't Nigeria and South Africa
sent their troops to remove Omar el Beshir from power? I am fed up with
  the spectacle of seeing African leaders ALWAYS running to the white man
  to come and solve our problems for us. It deprecates my dignity and
  pride as a black man.
  
  B. Demagoguery, Mischievous Distortions and Literal Interpretations of
  My Positions
  
  Moses, I would rather we debated the inherent merits of my positions
  instead of you placing ugly labels on them, distorting them or
  associating them with discredited figures in order to attack my
  positions. I drew your attention to this distortion: "second
  colonization" of Africa which you falsely attributed to me. I have
  advocated for the "second liberation" of Africa.
  
  I object to your mischievous attempts to place literal interpretations
  on my viewpoints and place them in narrow straight jackets in order to
  attack them. My call for "self-reliance" and "African solutions for
  African problems" are such examples.
  
"Self-reliance" does not mean complete and total exclusion of all
  external influences or factors. No economy in this world today can be
  autarkic. Even China had to open up its economy. Nonetheless, if you
  want to buy a car, you start from your own savings first. It is basic
  common sense. You do not plan on buying a car based upon the help you
  EXPECT to receive from others. But look at the African Union (AU). It
  drew up NEPAD, expecting to receive $64 billion in investment from the
  West. Need I ask if NEPAD will ever get off the ground? The AU is
  afflicted with the same "externalist orthodoxy" or mentality that seeks
  the solutions to Africa's woes from external sources. This orthodoxy got
  us nowhere and will not extricate us from our current quagmire. Again,
  if you want to stick with this orthodoxy and seek foreign solutions, all
  the best of luck to you.
  
  C. Back to Roots: Africa's Heritage
  
  Moses, here is a quote:
  
  
         "Then our people lived peacefully, under the democratic rule of their
  kings...Then the country was ours, in our name and right. The land
  belonged to the whole tribes. There were no classes, no rich or poor and
  no exploitation of man by man. All men were free and equal and this was
  the foundation of government. Recognition of this general principle
  found expression in the constitution of the council, variously called
  Imbizo, or Pitso or Kgotla, which governs the affairs of the tribe. The
  council (of elders) was so completely democratic that all members of the
  tribe could participate in its deliberations. Chief and subject, warrior
  and medicine man, all took part and endeavoured to influence its
  decisions. There was much in such a society that was primitive and
  insecure, and certainly could never measure up to the demands of the
  present epoch. But in such a society are contained the seeds of
  revolutionary democracy (Winnie Mandela, Part Of My Soul Went With Him.
  New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1985; p.53).
  __________________________
  
  Moses, you think Mandela is nuts? The comments you made, as well as
  those by Kissi, and Emetulu, about traditional Africa or Africa's
  heritage amounted to academic nit-picking that serves little purpose.
  Everyone knows that diversity is the hallmark of black Africa's
  heritage. Yet, certain commonalities can be discerned and generalities
  made. For example, most traditional African societies did not have
  standing armies. Less than 20 out of the over 2,000 ethnic groups had
  standing armies. Therefore, I can safely say that standing armies were
  not a feature of most traditional African societies. You can point to a
  few exceptions but the exceptions do not make the rule. Similarly, I can
  also make the following statements about traditional Africa:
  
  1.        The basic social unit is the extended family, not the individual as
  in the West.
  2.       Strong sense of group (ethnic, religious or community) solidarity
pervades traditional Africa, exemplified by these sayings: "I am because
  we are," and "It takes a village to raise a child." These resonate with
  most Africans.
  3. Food production in Africa is a female occupation. It has been for
  centuries and remains so today because of sexual division of labor.
About 80 percent of peasant farmers in Africa today are women
  4. Free village markets, free trade and free enterprise have been the
  rule in traditional Africa for centuries and remain so.
  5.     Village market activity is dominated by women.
  6.        Bargaining is the rule in Africa's village markets
  7.    Village government consists of 3 units: The chief, the Council of
  Elders, and the Village Assembly (Meeting). In stateless societies, the
  village government is composed of only two: Council of Elders and the
  Village Assembly.
  8.        Village governance is one of participatory democracy based on
  consensus.
  
  These general statements, as well as others, can be made about
  traditional Africa BEING FULLY AWARE that there are exceptions. For
  example, not all African ethnic groups had chiefs (stateless societies).
  Furthermore, these features of traditional Africa have been in existence
  for CENTURIES and are still there. So we are not talking about
  antiquity. The village markets have not vanished and bargaining is still
  the rule. Further, the vast majority of Africa's peasant farmers are
  still women. I won't argue about these, not because of stubbornness but
  because it is a waste of time.
  
  An African economy can be broken up into 3 sectors: The modern sector
  (the abode of the government and the elites), the informal sector and
  the traditional sector. Virtually all of Africa's crises emanate from
  the modern sector and spill over to the other two sectors, claiming
  innocent victims. The vast majority of the African people - peasants --
  live in these two sectors: the traditional and the informal sectors. I
  will make two bold and emphatic statements:
  
  a.     You CANNOT develop an African country by ignoring the traditional and
  the informal sectors. I challenge you to dispute this.
  b.   Nor can you develop the traditional and informal sectors if you do
  NOT understand how they operate. They do not operate by the same logic
  and systems as the modern sector does. I challenge you to dispute this
  also. 
  
  But these are precisely the two sectors African governments and elites
  ignored and held in contempt after independence. They spurned the
  traditional sector as "backward," "primitive" and "eye-sore." Over 70
  percent of Ivory Coast development was concentrated in Abidjan, the
  modern sector. The elites were for industrialization, not agriculture -
  the main occupation of Africa's peasants.
  
  Whether you Moses like it or not, Africa's peasants still go about their
  activities using ANCIENT practices, institutions and customs. They still
  use the hoe and the cutlass. Some even still practice female
  circumcision - an ancient practice. It is preposterous to characterize
  this as "glorifying or romanticizing about antiquity" when this is stark
  reality staring at you in the face.
  
  Economic development means improving the lot of these peasants - not
  developing the pockets of vampire elites. But you cannot improve their
  lot if you do not understand THEIR institutions and systems. We are not
  talking about those you learned from textbooks in Western universities.
  To improve their lot, you must go down to THEIR level and start from the
"bottom-up." That is what "grassroots development" is all about. "Back
to roots" captures the same essence. To get these peasants to produce
  MORE food, you must speak the language THEY -- not you -- understand.
  You can't be speaking GREEK to them when what they understand is
"profit-sharing", "susu," "esusu," "tontines," and "stokvels." You
  probably don't know what these mean. Go back to your roots and learn
  about them.
  
  Tragically, we, African elites, did not do this in the post-colonial
  period. Our approach was "top-down." We went abroad and copied all sorts
  of FOREIGN systems and paraphernalia and transplanted them in Africa.
  Name the foreign system and you will find some dysfunctional replica
somewhere in Africa. We even borrowed from Jupiter! Haba! The continent
  of Africa is littered with the carcasses of these failed foreign
  systems. Black man, have you thought of IMPROVING or CREATING your own?
  
  Moses, as an African, I am proud of my African heritage. Perhaps, you
don't think you have one.  If so, what is it? Like I said, I get
  irritated when I feel I have to defend Africa's heritage to an African.
  I have never said African heritage is all edifying and honky-dory. Like
  American heritage or British heritage, it too comes with its warts and
  all. But if it strange how some Africans denigrate their own heritage
  while others still revere theirs. The Japanese still have their Emperor,
  the Fins their King, and the Brits their Queen. The Americans are still
  ruled by a Constitution that is more than 200 years old and constantly
  talking about their Founding Fathers. I do not hear you accusing
  Americans of romanticizing about their antiquity. And you, Moses, accuse
  me of "romanticizing about antiquity"? I am sure you will also dismiss
  President Thabo Mbeki's "African Renaissance" as "phantamastic."
  
  BOTSWANA is the only African country that did not spurn its indigenous
  institutions. It went back to its roots and build upon them. And it is
  doing very well, thank you. Botswana is not starving, it has not
  imploded. Nor do you see Botswana, with a bowl in hand, begging foreign
  institutions to come and solve its problems. As a matter of fact,
  Botswana does not borrow from the World Bank; it rather lends money to
  the World Bank.
  
  So why don't you, Moses, crow about Botswana as a truly AFRICAN success
  story and a model which Nigeria should emulate?
  
  D. Sovereign National Conference (SNC)
  
  Moses, the national conferences held in Zaire and Togo, for example, did
  not succeed because they were not "sovereign", nor "independent." They
  were manipulated by the incumbents and, moreover, their decisions were
  not binding on the incumbents. Therefore, you CANNOT say the SNC did not
  succeed in Zaire and Togo when they were not sovereign nor independent.
  
  It succeeded in Benin and South Africa precisely because they were
  sovereign and independent. Now, participants in both cases affirmed that
  it was derived from Africa's own indigenous institution: The village
  meeting or ndaba, as the Zulus call it. For you to claim that you know
  better than the Beninois, the South Africans and even the Afghans takes
  intellectual arrogance to new heights of absurdity. I won't argue over
  this. I take what the Beninois and South Africans tell me, not what you
  Moses tell me.
  
  E. "African Solutions for African Problems"
  
  Moses, your attempt to denigrate this slogan is disingenuous. The fact
  that it has been debauched and abused by coconut-heads does not mean it
  is devoid of any merit. Neither does the fact that it has been hijacked
  by some American conservatives to relieve themselves of any obligation
  to help Africa. The slogan encompasses more than "back to roots."
  
  Like I said in an earlier posting, I coined that expression in 1993 when
  Somalia blew up - out of frustration and anger. You see, time and again
  when a crisis erupts, African governments and leaders do nothing to
  resolve it. They will rush to the World Bank, IMF, the West and the
  international community and badger them for aid. Then they are the same
  governments and leaders who will accuse the World Bank and the IMF of
  trying to dictate "neo-colonial and imperialist solutions" to Africa.
  They are also the same ones who will criticize "Western solutions" as
  ineffectual. So why don't these African governments devise their own
  African solutions to Africa's problems? I hope you get the drift.
  
  There is a term called "ownership of solutions." If you devise your own
  solution to your problem, there is a "pride of ownership" and you have
  every incentive to see it work. Many Western or foreign solutions have
  not worked well in Africa because they were imposed on or dictated to
  Africa. Africans "did not own those solutions." If African leaders say
  Western-style multi-party democracy is unsuitable for Africa, why don't
they devise their own "African-style democracy"? And I am not talking
  about the situation where they appoint their cronies as the Electoral
  Commissioners to write the electoral rules, pad the voter register, deny
  the opposition access to the state-controlled media, lock up the
opposition candidates and hold fraudulent elections to declare
  themselves winners - as is too often observed in Africa's coconut
  republics. Even illiterate chiefs won't get away with this.
  I am pasting below the synopsis of a paper by a graduate student in my
  class, Africa's Economies in Crisis. She is from Eritrea and her paper
  is entitled, "The Feasibility of African Solutions for African
  Problems."
  
  This was a student who frequently argued with me in class "external
  factors." When she walked into my office to hand in her paper, she was
  profuse with thanks. She said the course had had a tremendous impact on
  her and has changed her way of thinking completely. [Aarh, brown-nosing
  again. Students will say anything to get an A, I said to myself. In her
  case, it was not necessary as I had told my students at the beginning of
  the semester that they do not have to agree with me to get an A for the
  course.]
  
  Another African graduate student from Nigeria is writing a paper on how
  to apply indigenous Igbo conflict resolution mechanisms to modern day
  African conflicts. The Igbo mechanisms employ the liberal use of women
  in conflict resolution. Note that in my original piece, I called for the
  inclusion of CIVIL SOCIETY or those directly and indirectly affected by
  the conflict to be involved in its resolution. It takes a village to
  resolve a conflict.
  
  Moses, what we need is PEACE. If the indigenous conflict resolution
  mechanism will bring peace, why not use it? Who cares whether this
  mechanism was used in 1367 or 1973?
  
  George Ayittey,
  Washington, DC
  
  
  Professor George B.N. Ayittey
  ECON 658 - Economics of Africa
  American University
  
  The Feasibility of
"African Solutions for African Problems"
  
  Milena Bereket
  Fall 2004
  Introduction:
  Black people in general, and Africans in particular, need to wake up!
  The terms "consciousness" and "awareness" need to be stripped out of
  paperback narratives and applied in our daily lives! We need to dust off
  our dignity and march toward our third and final liberation struggle!
  The first was against colonization as we struggled for political freedom
  in the 1960s. The second was against international financial
  institutions when we struggled for economic freedom in the 1980s.
  Apparently, neither one was fully successful because we are still
  struggling. This final liberation struggle is against ourselves and our
  own as we fight to reclaim our place in our present history - denied to
  us not by the "white man," but by our own "leaders" who share our own
  skin color; "leaders" who suffer from intense cases of colonized minds;
"leaders" who by any means necessary have kept us from realizing our
potential; "leaders" whose time is up!
Blaming the "white man," "the system," "the invisible hand," and "the
west," among other external factors will get us nowhere! In fact,
  blaming all these outside sources will only add to our bitterness and
  animosity - ironically, toward each other - which in turn will keep us
  in perpetual bankruptcy! This does not mean, however, that one needs to
  erase history and act as if 400 years of slavery, 100 years of
  colonialism, and unimaginable number of deaths never happened. Indeed,
  all this and much much more did happen to our ancestors! They were
  slaughtered, kidnapped, raped, humiliated, scalped, and lynched. Their
  social fabric was torn to pieces. Their voices and melodies silenced.
  Their livelihoods burned to the ground. Their religions, languages and
  memories erased. Their sacred spaces - physical and symbolic - all
  invaded. The history of our ancestors must always remain in the back of
  our heads - driving us to strive for better and best - not to sulk and
  surrender!
  The same ones who destroyed our ancestors, cannot be expected to now
  hold the key to our salvation! Therefore, it is time we took things into
our own hands! It is just a matter of centering our souls and
  reconnecting with our core being! Indeed, the solutions are inside us
  and in our own backyards. The solutions lay in the way things used to be
  and the way we are now - a perfect synergy of past traditions and
  present routines. All we have to do is create a social, political and
economic system that honors and respects the old sacred ways and at the
  same time fits within our new worldly experiences. Then and only then
  will we truly be free!
  
  This paper, while recognizing the effects of external factors and past
  history, argues that the key to African development - political and
  economic - lays in the hands of African peoples - not elites, but
everyday people - themselves.
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