BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION IN THE EDUCATION SECTOR: MATTERS ARISING
Signed by Dr. H. Assisi Asobie, President, Transparency In Nigeria.
In the fight against corruption in Nigeria, the role of the
President of the Republic is important. Prompt executive
action against persons, especially, ?big fishes? caught in
the act is helpful. Therefore, in the Federal Ministry of
Education/National Assembly bribery scandal, as President,
Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was right in dismissing Professor
Fabian Osuji, his appointee, with ignominy; that action is
commendable. But that is really beside the point. The
critical issues in this matter are different.
The first issue is the nature of corruption in Nigeria vis
a vis the current method of tackling it. In contemporary
Nigeria, corruption is not an occasional ailment affecting
a few, isolated, public officers. It is an endemic epidemic
that erodes the fabric of the entire socio-economic
formation. The malady is not individuated and rarified;
rather it is systemic and pervasive. Therefore, the cure
must be systemic and systematic, not selective and ad hoc,
or episodic and asymmetrical. Corruption in Nigeria is a
huge problem that demands a national strategic plan,
formulated and owned by Nigerians, and implemented by a
rationalized set of public anti-corruption watch-dog
agencies working in symbiotic sync with like-minded civil
society organizations and private sector agencies.
The second issue that arises in the current
education-sector corruption scandal is the identification
of the critical driver of the anti-corruption locomotive.
The driver or the catalyst of the movement for transparency
and accountability is not, and cannot be a President that
preaches and punishes, but sets no personal examples and
makes no personal sacrifices. It is not even any formal
element of the executive arm of government, including the
activist Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
Rather, it is the whistle blower, located either in civil
society, the private sector, or within any part of the
public sector. In the Federal Ministry of
Education/National Assembly bribery scandal, the heroes,
for us in Transparency In Nigeria, are the small group of
determined members of the House of Representatives who have
courageously fought to expose their corrupt colleagues in
the Education Committees of both the House and the Senate
in the National Assemble. We know what they have been going
through in terms of persecution, blackmail, and even
attempts to remove them from the National Assembly. Their
travail comes not just from the legislature but from the
executive arm as well. We salute their courage. The matter
that requires public policy and pubic support is the
passage into law of the Whistle Blowers Protection Bill,
proposed by Transparency In Nigeria, and received by the
President of the Senate since 2001.
The third issue is openness in governance. Corruption is
perpetrated in secret, and thrives in an atmosphere of
opaqueness. Openness in governance, especially, freedom of
public access to information is the cure. It is not just a
matter of the executive arm publishing certain figures
about the finances of the federation. It is, more
crucially, about the right of the Nigerian people having
the right to demand and freely obtain information about
those who serve them as legislators, Ministers, Governors,
or Presidents, including information about their assets,
before, during and after holding public office. Osuji?s
assets, like Babalola Borishade?s, or Wabara?s and
Enwerem?s, or Obasanjo?s and Atiku?s , before, during and
after public office should be freely accessible to us. The
story was told publicly, on December 9, 2004, at Rock View
hotel, Abuja, by Sidi Alli, a former member of the
Governing Council of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, of how he
had to resign from that council when the former Minister of
Education, Babalola Borishade demanded and received the sum
of N50million bribe from the council for helping the
University secure a special grant of about N500 million. If
it is true, Borishade should not still be a Minister. We
ought to have access to the assets of such public officers.
The President of the Republic himself should set an
example by making public his own assets, before and after
1999. So should all public officers who are mentioned in
Part II of the Fifth Schedule of the constitution. Equally
important, the President should immediately declare his
support for the Freedom to Access to Information Bill which
has been in the National Assemble for passage into law
since 1999.
The fourth issue is the sustainability of an off-shore
driven anti-corruption crusade. We are very sad that
Nigerian politicians, including the President are
contemptuous of the Nigerian electorate. Our demands for
transparency and accountability really mean little to them.
They respond much more readily to the offer of carrot and
the wielding of sticks by the members of the international
community who claim to be our external creditors. There is
no doubt that the incentive to act strongly against Osuji
and the other public officers of the Federal Ministry of
Education, as well as Wabara and his partners in the
National Assembly came from the events that took place in
Berlin and London in mid-March 2005. The prospects of debt
relief for Nigeria, which even an organ of the Western
neo-conservatives, The Economist of London has now
supported in an editorial, and the chances of a
Transparency award later in the year to some members of
Obasanjo?s ?dream team?(to use the words of a CNN
correspondent), appear to have weighed more heavily on the
mind of the President than the deepest wishes of our
country men. That is sad, very sad. For we cannot build a
sustainable programme of transparency and accountability on
a platform of the demands of the international community.
Such a programme can only be built on the platform of the
fear of domestic electoral punishment. Nigerians have not
yet been able to instill this fear in our politicians.
Those who rig elections with impunity and have no mass
uprising to fear can not sincerely and consistently serve
as the vanguard of an anti-corruption movement. This is the
explanation for the contradiction between the soft handling
of the two corrupt Christians and the humiliation of the
flailing Fabian, all of the south-east zone.
The fifth and final issue is the federal budget for
education. It is a supreme irony that persons who failed to
support the struggle of the Academic Staff Union of
Universities for the implementation of the FGN/ASUU
agreement of 2001 for the allocation of 26% of the national
budget to education, on the ground that ASUU?s open
strategy is wrong have been rubbished by their preferred
secret lobbying. Nigerians should not miss the lesson in
this scandal. Kenya allocates 30% of its national budget to
education. South Africa allocates between 20% and 30%
Nigeria sets aside about 5%. Apparently, public officials
in the Federal Ministry of Education believed that ASUU was
right, but did not have the courage to tell the President
so. As for members of the Education Committees of the
National Assembly, their interest lay more in making
private gains out of the situation, than in restoring
education to its pristine quality and standard. Corruption
does indeed under-develop Nigeria, as President Obasanjo
said in his broadcast, but so does under-funding of
education, as ASUU has always argued.
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